With a little over three weeks to go before the UK faces its moment of truth, the process of delivering Brexit seems anything but clear. Over the past three plus years since the electorate narrowly voted in favor of leaving the European Union (EU) by a 52% to 48% margin, the political climate has significantly deteriorated as opinions have become bitterly polarized. The upside—if there is one—is that by now it is abundantly clearer what Brexit would look like, with and without a deal. Along the way, the UK has seen three Prime Ministers (PM), the overwhelming rejection by Parliament of a negotiated deal and a negotiating team that has repeatedly stumbled in its approach and strategic objectives. The negotiators, however, are not the whole problem. Reality has repeatedly clashed with intent as the process became mired around four key fallacies driving the country’s public debate. Unfortunately, the solution is not easy, but there are a few lessons PR can learn.
Long before the onset of PR’s current debacle, the economy used to generate consistent savings that in part justified its status as an attractive investment destination. In effect, personal savings ranged between 8% to 15% of personal income during the 1980s (the golden years for S.936 companies) and 1990s (the golden years of construction), most of which were channeled towards financial investment on the Island. Fast forward 15 years and those same assets under management are now almost entirely outside PR, the majority of them under tight institutional restrictions on questions such as geography, risk and return. Despite this, there is still a window of opportunity if the government is able to develop an investment plan articulated through the Opportunity Zones (OZ) initiative. Such a repatriation of capital requires an active risk-mitigation role from the government and, above all, allowing the economy to expand through stimulus rather than austerity. The final decision will have long lasting implications.
Inside Q2-2019 economic indices for Puerto Rico
Puerto Rico still needs to find a new economic compass. At the root lie not only endemic generations of political corruption to which people now have said enough, but a search for new leadership that defines a new vision of economic growth and efficient performance by cabinet members and the private sector. A few of Q2-2019 quarterly indices are in positive territory, but construction and the consumer index are definitely negative. Our leading index is positive, but only barely. There is no definite take-off by Banking, which continues profitable at the expense of car loans. The next 3 to 4 months are not exactly a forecast of economic recovery, a crossroads between stagnation or realizing opportunities in Tourism, housing, and infrastructure, among others. Will President Trump continue with a different assessment of the threats facing PR? This Compass attempts to shed some light on these questions.
The days of business as usual for PR’s 78 municipalities are long gone. What started as sluggish economic growth back in the early 2000s mutated into a full-blown crisis that now includes the highest emigration wave since the 1950s, negative yearly average investment growth since 2010, a default on $72bn of public debt, $49bn in unfunded retirement liabilities, the imposition of a Financial Oversight Board (FOB) and, most importantly, the continued contraction of central government subsidies to the municipalities. In early May 2019, the FOB approved a statute to certify the sustainability of each municipality’s budget. The possibility of lengthy red-tape disbursements for federal reconstruction funds may be the last nails on the coffin of many local governments. Find out why PR’s municipalities face financial distress and what needs to be done. The solution lies in viable regional economic development strategies, which have yet to see the light of day.
Straightening out PR’s public finances—which by now is a legal obligation rather than a lofty public policy objective—has exposed a myriad of nefarious economic dynamics. For years, these were masked by indirect subsidies, such as those afforded under Section 936, but most of all, through the use of affordable and attractive cheap debt. In fact, the perverse dynamic of using debt to cover the gap in recurrent expenditures—done by all administrations—ended up normalizing the unthinkable: debt was simply redefined to be “extra constitutional” whenever the constitution forbade it. Unfortunately, regaining our long-lost economic sustainability will require further adjustments that could deepen the current socioeconomic and demographic spiral. By chasing an elusive goal, we might end up facing a curse yet to be materialized. With 30% of the population expected to be over 65 by 2040, missing the target this time around is simply not an option.